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  Q & A
Q&A: The age of celebrity worship

Kevin Eckstrom, Jul 30, 2009


PHOTO COURTESY OF WIKIMEDIA

Reporters and crowds gather outside UCLA Medical Center for word of Michael Jackson’s death. Gary Laderman says Jackson’s death brought America’s celebrity worship into sharp focus.
When Rudolph Valentino died at the age of 31 in 1926, riots broke out as tens of thousands of mourners tried to cram themselves into a public viewing in New York. 

It was, says Emory University’s Gary Laderman, “a new kind of sacred attachment, one based on fame and looks, personality and stardom.” Call it the birth of the First Church of Celebrity Worship. 

Dr. Laderman’s new book, Sacred Matters: Celebrity Worship, Sexual Ecstasies, the Living Dead and Other Signs of Religious Life in the United States (New Press), probes America’s obsession at the altar of celebrity. 

Pop icon Michael Jackson’s death at age 50, he said, brings that faith into “sharp relief.” He spoke with Kevin Eckstrom of Religion News Service.

The public grief over Jackson is obviously a reaction to his death, but you seem to argue that it’s a sign of life for a different kind of American religion. What do you mean?
This brings out what people understand to be sacred. Celebrity, and the response to the death of a celebrity, is a source of sacred life for many people. When you go outside of the normal conventional religious places, you see other signs of religious life that are usually tied to ideas of the sacred.

Jackson died at 50, and Farrah Fawcett at a relatively young 62. Does that make them particular kinds of pop-culture martyrs, dying before their time?
The impact is much stronger because they died young and the public didn’t see them age. I don’t think that aging necessarily diminishes the power of celebrity, but it’s a different response than when someone like Ed McMahon dies who has lived a full life.

You write that “celebrity icons arouse the religious passions of followers . . . who find spiritual meaning, personal fulfillment and awe-inspiring motivation in the presence of these idols.” Tell me more.
When you look around and see how people invest in these idols—and I’m using a broad understanding of investment—it’s also a spiritual investment. It’s more than just material or financial. People draw from that spiritual connection notions of identity, a sense of the sacred, the potential for transformation, a set of moral values, the sense of possibility of transcendence or overcoming the limitations of life. Whether in traditional religion or pop culture, you find the same kind of motivation, the same kind of meaning-making, through celebrity.

So it’s about more than just buying their CDs or watching their films.
Yes, you could say that, but the material artifacts—the means of communication, the forms of community—are also very powerful.

In your mind, is the celebrity worship equivalent to, or better or worse than, the kind of worship that occurs in an average church on an average Sunday?
I would not try to pass judgment on it. I’m just trying to ask whether this counts as legitimate forms of religious expression. Many people are going to say no, or say it’s some kind of corrupt religion or escapism. I’m just trying to say that if you go outside of the familiar concepts of religion, you will still find behaviors, investments and myths that all have meaning for people. They can be just as powerful and can make the same kind of impact—if not a stronger one—on people’s values and morals.

Do you think pop icons like Jackson are a golden calf-kind of false god, or legitimate recipients of adoration and celebrity worship?
Again, I’m not making a judgment on whether they’re legitimate. There isn’t one standard by which to apply criteria and say one is false and one is real. People find the sacred in all sorts of arenas; throughout history, people have found the sacred in forms that don’t have anything to do with God.

You ask in the book whether crowds of mourners fall victim to “false gods because they are seeking spiritual fulfillment” through celebrity icons they will never know. What do you make of the crowds mourning Jackson’s death?
Valentino’s death created the same kind of mass hysteria and reaction. But those actions and reactions have a deeper meaning than just pure, base fanaticism. The lives of these people—and their deaths—have a real ability to empower people to find a sense of meaning that is so dramatic, so strong. They are indications of very deep and strong connection that doesn’t just border on the religious, but is religious—in the sense that these feelings, connections and investments bear on moral value systems, a person’s identity and history.

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Other articles by Kevin Eckstrom:
Religious groups mixed on Nobel (Oct 28, 2009)
Q&A: Inside the Evangelical Ivy League (Jan 21, 2009)
Mainline churches gain clear political voice (Jan 6, 2006)
In bid to return to pulpit, Elizabeth Stroud cites Supreme Court sodomy ruling (Oct 26, 2005)
Absence of black churches delays launch of ecumenical group (Jun 24, 2005)

Other articles in Q & A category:
Q&A: Women leave streets behind, find new hope  (Bill Fentum, Feb 8, 2010)
Q&A: Asbury a model for modern Methodists  (Mary Jacobs, Feb 5, 2010)
Q&A: Finding God outside our faith tradition  (Robin Russell, Jan 15, 2010)
Q&A: ‘Biggest Loser’ reports spiritual gains  (Mary Jacobs, Jan 11, 2010)
Q&A: A reminder to be civil as Christians  (Robin Russell, Jan 8, 2010)

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